The path of democracy in Nigeria has not been smooth, and it
is full of inconsistencies. Although the country has continued to conduct
regular elections, the credibility as well as the integrity of such elections
have been under scrutiny. The year-after-year efforts of modifying the
electoral process have been stifled by resistance, logistical pressures, and
courts. Any effort to enact electoral reforms in Nigeria is a difficult task despite
the improvement in technology usage and the restructuring of the laws.
The challenges encountered under Nigerian electoral reform
will need a detailed analysis of the socio-political issues of this country,
the work of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and some
implications for the democratic consolidation of the largest democracy in the
West African region. In this posting, we will see how the major election reform
bottlenecks in Nigeria, such as political inertia, ambiguities in the law and
infrastructural gaps, can be described in data-driven terms.
A Brief Overview: Why Electoral Reform in Nigeria Matters
Irregularities have been the order of elections in Nigeria.
Statistics have it that more than 60 per cent of Nigerians feel that no
election in the country is free or fair, based on the results of the Centre for
Democracy and Development (CDD). These feelings are not grotesque. Electoral
fraud, vote buying, ballot box snatching and electoral violence have defined
the elections, and these issues alone not only undermine the legitimacy of
elections but also demoralize citizens in the democratic institutions.
The 2023 general elections, which were heralded as a litmus
test of the maturity of democracy in Nigeria, underlined a combination of
advancement and a continued challenge. The BVAS (Bimodal Voter Accreditation
System) and IReV (INEC Result Viewing Portal) were meant to make the process
more transparent. Nevertheless, system failure, slow uploads, and accusations
of result tinkering demonstrated the weakness of the reform engagement. These
challenges to election technology explain the fact that electoral reform is not
just about hardware; it must be supported by a functioning legal framework,
political will, and exemplary institutional capacity.
1. Political Will and Elite Resistance
The absence of a political will in practice is central to
the deadlock in the electoral reforms in Nigeria. Although politicians are
often on the frontline of talking about reform in a social sense, the general
interests in the back end tend to say otherwise. The political elites who have
been enjoying various loopholes present in the existing electoral system are
seldom willing to join in structural reforms that could crack their grip on
authority.
An example is the quiet resistance of power brokers towards
any form of reform made to eliminate the practice of vote buying or the
automation of the collation of results. Transparency International reported
that vote buying increased dramatically in Nigeria during the elections to 39
per cent during the 2019 elections compared to 21 per cent in 2015. Doing away
with this practice would stop well-oiled patronage systems which support most
political campaigns.
Any attempts to have constitutional amendments to provide
INEC with a greater degree of independence or to reform the Nigerian voting
system ills are often stopped in their tracks in the National Assembly, where
they are controlled by vested interests. Unless there is a serious intention of
lawmakers and political groups, there would be nothing but performative
reforms.
2. INEC Implementation Issues and Institutional Constraints
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) may be
viewed as the engine and casualty of change. Although the commission has put in
place acceptable innovations, it tends to lack resources, independence, and
operational capability to implement the reforms to the end.
The common difficulty is budgetary constraints. In 2022,
N305 billion was requested by INEC as the amount needed to hold the 2023
general elections, but payment delays led to early planning and procurement.
Moreover, the commission does not have enough workers who are well informed on
essential parts of the logistics of elections and the use of technology.
The last attempt at digital voting and reporting of election
results had significant implementation problems with the INEC, especially in
rural and underserved areas. According to reports provided by Yiaga Africa and
Premium Times Centre for Investigative Journalism, more than 30% of all polling
units in the elections held in 2023 suffered either delays in the use of BVAS
or the total malfunction of equipment.
As long as INEC remains non-isolated in terms of political
influence and is not structurally authenticated, there will always be a lack of
relevance between the reform plan and reform implementation.
3. Legal and Constitutional Ambiguities
Another major barrier to reforming the electoral legal
system in Nigeria. Some of the provisions made by the 2022 Electoral Act are
vague or contradictory, and they leave loopholes that can be used by litigants
and other political players.
Take, as an example, the issue of the interpretation of
electronic transmission of results; this still remains a controversial matter.
The INEC has tried its best to ensure that a consistent process governs this,
but the disparate decision of the court on the use of result transmission
technology has left loopholes in the legal system.
The tribunals which hear election petitions are also
encumbered with cases of backlog and inefficiency. More than 700 petitions were
made in the 2019 elections, many of which took months and some of which were
still pending after the inauguration. Such legal stalling not only deteriorates
the spirit of reform compliance but also leaves a bad image of electoral
justice in the minds of people.
In addition, the inconsistency of state electoral
commissions in local council elections with INEC makes uniformity so difficult
in all the 36 states of Nigeria.
4. Electoral Violence and Security Failures
Despite the long history of electoral reform movements,
violence can be deemed as one of the most persistent and lasting challenges.
Nigerian elections are a spectacle of violence, ranging anywhere between voter
intimidation and assault of polling staff and ballot boxes.
SBM Intelligence reported at least 100 incidents of violence
in the 2023 elections that were reported in 27 states. The violence not only
restricts voting, but it also reduces the chances of INEC mobilizing the
personnel and sensitive materials to risky areas like the South-East and some
parts of the North-East.
Violence in the field of electoral politics is sophisticated
as well as calculated in the way it is applied in Nigeria, which is either used
to imply voter suppression or to negate the legitimacy of an opponent. The
issue of reformation to be achieved in this aspect involves the coordination of
security agencies, civil society, and political forces. However, there is a low
level of accountability for the electoral violence, where only a very limited
number are ever prosecuted.
5. Technology and Infrastructure Gaps
Though Nigeria has adopted the use of the BVAS and IReV
technologies in its elections, their success greatly relies on the weak
infrastructure in Nigeria. Technological setbacks in the election to be
overcome are low internet coverage, unstable power fire, and inadequate
training of ground staff.
In the 2023 elections, a large number of polling units were
not able to upload results in real-time owing to network system problems; this
is about 20 per cent of the polling units. Also, insufficient digital literacy
of both voters and even the members of INEC hinders the productive usage of
those tools.
Also, the use of technology creates new battle grounds for
cyber threats. A fair number of reports share that there were attempts to hack
the online portals of INEC more in the 2023 elections, and it would mean that
the cyber-election infrastructure in Nigeria is not secure enough.
These infrastructural bottlenecks need to be eradicated
comprehensively so that the goal of a digital reform will not be purely
cosmetic.
6. Citizen Engagement and Voter Apathy
Citizen engagement is another barrier that is usually
ignored. Though the number of registered voters was above 93 million in 2023,
only 27% of the vote was bagged. Such alienation is an expression of not just
electoral burnout, but also a distaste for the process.
Especially disenchanted are young people, as they make up
more than 60% of the Nigerian population. They include first-time voters who
are also the most susceptible to voter suppression strategies and voter
disinformation.
To restore trust, civic education, civil society
organization outreach, and open communication by INEC and the civil society
organizations are required. Unless there is a genuine voter engagement, reform
in whatever form and however good it might be, will be illegitimate.
Conclusion
The road that would lead to meaningful democracy reform in
Nigeria is a sloping road full of systematic roadblocks. The issues of
electoral reform in Nigeria are very intertwined, starting with vested
interests of political elites on one end, bottlenecks in the independent
electoral commission operations on the other end, legal ambiguities, to the
emergence of increased electoral violence scenarios.
Although the provision of technologies such as BVAS and IReV
has merit, they cannot be applied successfully without a strong legal,
political, as well as infrastructural backbone. Improving the situation is not
only about legislation issues or purchasing new devices. It requires a brave
political breed, a free-standing electoral commission, and an active electorate
with a conscience that is ready to keep the system on its feet.
Nigerian democracy will only move forward should these
reforms change from paper to action. The first step in a country that strives
to become the leader of Africa is to establish elections that represent the
will of the real people of the country without intimidation, and un-tampered
elections.
